By Neil Leach
Architecture and Revolution explores the implications of the 1989 revolutions in vital and japanese Europe from an architectural viewpoint. It offers new writings from a staff of well known architects, philosophers and cultural theorists from either the East and the West. They discover the questions over the equipped surroundings that now face architects, planners and politicians within the quarter. They learn the issues of constructions inherited from the communist period: a few are environmentally insufficient, many have been designed to serve a now redundant social programme and others hold the stigma of organization with prior regimes. members comprise: Daniel Libeskind, Bernard Tschumi, Laura Mulvey, Helene Cixous, Andrew Benjamin and Frederic Jameson.
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Extra info for Architecture and Revolution: Contemporary Perspectives on Central and Eastern Europe
A. Gan,’ “Levyi front” i kinematografiia’ (The ‘Left Front’ and cinema), Kino-Fot 5, 10 December 1922, pp. 1–3, translated in Taylor and Christie, eds, The Film Factory pp. 75–7. Gan, Konstruktivizm, p. 21. Gan, Konstruktivizm, pp. 11–12. Gan, Konstruktivizm, p. 63. Gan, Konstruktivizm, p. 63. Gan, Konstruktivizm, p. 60. Gan, Konstruktivizm, pp. 63–4. Gan, Konstruktivizm, p. 61. Khazanova, Iz istorii, 1917–25, p. 9. On this later development of theory, see Cooke, Russian Avant-Garde, ch. 5. Lodder, Russian Constructivism, London, 1983, p.
The primary theoretical concept which he articulated was that of seeing the built form (like other ‘material-technical “organs” of society’) as an active agent influencing social change in ‘revolutionary’ or ‘counter-revolutionary’ directions Alexei Gan and the Moscow Anarchists 23 at any given moment or stage of political development, and doing this through the structure into which it organised space and material. ) Gan’s second key contribution was his insistence that the mechanisms by which these ‘material-technical “organs”’ operated in any real context, and the processes by which they could be ‘constructed’ to have those effects, were permeated throughout by politics and required serious research.
Throughout Russia the two movements had made common cause in the revolutions of February and October 1917. After Kerensky’s Provisional Government was driven out, however, no common hatred of the Tsarist Whites could persuade the anarchists to accept the centralising, bureaucratic policies being imposed by the Bolsheviks. 54 In the spring of 1917, when many vulnerable state figures fled after the February revolution and the Tsar’s abdication, both anarchists and Bolsheviks expropriated their homes as headquarters, as indeed the Provisional Government expropriated several palaces of the Imperial family.